Few people in the world are aware that the number of Iranian war veterans who were injured by chemical weapons during the Sacred Defense is higher than total people who died in nuclear attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. This is a great lesson that we have not been able to explain and shed light on all the aspects of this human calamity.

When taking decisions on Iran, the Security Council has gone beyond the legal requirements arising from the NPT, the Statute of the IAEA, and even the Safeguards Agreement between the IAEA and Iran. At the same time, the Board of Governors of the IAEA has clearly specified that most of its demands on Iran are for taking voluntary and nonbinding confidence building measures.

The United States has not given up its confrontational approach to Iran and is not ready to pursue an approach of interaction with the Islamic Republic yet. As for their offer of talks with Iran, they have frequently received Iran's message that any positive answer by Iranian side to the United States’ offer of talks depends on a tangible change in the US behavior, not a simple change of position. 

The decision to refer Iran's nuclear case to the United Nations Security Council is bogged by a number of legal problems which have received less attention than they actually deserved. What follows is a brief discussion of those problems.

The Indian ocean once regarded as a ‘neglected ocean’ has, today, become the hub of political, strategic and economic activities because of the presence of conventional and nuclear vessels of the major powers in the area and because of its own economic and strategic significance.

This article aims to use three propositions to offer an evaluation of the current position of all the parties involved in the ongoing Syria crisis as that crisis enters its third year.

A cursory glance at what is happening in the Arab world would make an analyst conclude that a certain form of ideological war over power is going on in this region. It is still too early to pass a judgment on the final outcome of this war. However, the political, social and cultural inflammation which has shaken the entire Arab world is apparently still a long distance away from a point of balance. 

In spite of Iran's complaints of Turkey, the bonds between two countries are so strong that they will not be affected by such factors in an irreversible manner. There is no doubt that common interests between the two countries are much more significant than such differences. However, if both countries do not take serious steps to reduce tension, it will leave its negative effect on the two countries’ relations in the long run.

The approach which the United States has currently taken to Iran in its practical policy and in dealing with Tehran is the process of “threat, containment, threat, and encouragement.” Taking advantage of such a model clearly indicates that the US approach to Iran is not actually seeking a “solution to the problem.” This is why the issue of relations between Iran and the United States has become so complicated.

The best way for Turkey is to pay more attention to the realities on the ground following two years of crisis and give up military, intelligence and security intervention in Syria in favor of a political solution which would include rejection of terrorism and promotion of Syria reforms. In this case, it would be possible to find a solution to crisis in Syria while diminishing tensions in relations among Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Russia, and also to find a solution to domestic problems with which Turkey is currently grappling.