A senior Iranian nuclear negotiator says Iran and the P5+1 group have started drafting the text of mechanisms related to the removal of sanctions imposed on Tehran over its peaceful nuclear program.
A recent trip by Afghanistan’s President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani to Iran should be considered something beyond ordinary meetings between the officials from the two neighboring countries.
Seyed Jalal Dehghani Firoozabadi
A recent decision by the Russian President Vladimir Putin to remove a previous ban on the sale of Russia’s S-300 missile defense system to Iran widely reverberated in Iran's media circles and had many political reverberations. Many analysts and political decision-makers analyzed this development from different viewpoints and offered their opinions. However, the common denominator of all those analyses was the existence of a direct relationship between this decision by Russia and a recent nuclear agreement reached between Iran and the P5+1 group.
Under conditions when a deadlock evidently exists between the Afghan president and the chief executive officer over how to distribute power, it has become somehow easier to pass a judgment in this regard. It is also evident that Ashraf Ghani does not consider the post of the chief executive officer as important as is seen by Abdullah Abdullah and his supporters. Therefore, Ghani does not consider Abdullah as a full partner for the distribution of power on a 50-50 basis.
Under the leadership of President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Egypt is still reeling under multiple domestic crises as a result of his insistence on the continuation of militaristic policies. A political system, which is actually incomplete in the absence of a powerful parliament and independent judiciary, at a time that all potential rivals have been phased out, does not depict a promising future outlook for the country. Nonetheless, some analysts believe that the status quo is the product of weak performance of the former Islamist politicians during one and a half years of their rule.
Ardeshir Zarei Ghanavati
By rejecting Riyadh’s request for taking part in the military aggression against Yemen, both Egypt and Pakistan tried to avoid a dangerous risk through prudent calculation of benefits and losses of such a measure. However, in doing so, they also greatly undermined political and geopolitical standing of Saudi Arabia in regional equations. Today, the only force that can win legitimacy and find itself a logical position in Yemen is the one which is aware of the fragmented nature of political and tribal structure of the country in the ongoing domestic crisis and take steps toward political reconciliation and division of power within framework of a national unity government.
Franz Michael Millben
In this interview he emphasized that although Iran and EU are suffering from common security concerns in fighting against terrorism, but the present mutual distrust prevents them from any cooperation. Referring to Pakistan’s strategic mistakes in fighting against militancy and insurgency, Michael Millben underlined that as along as Islamabad does not enter in serious cooperation with Kabul and the process of negotiating with Taliban, there would be no success and hopeful future in this regard.
If the US Congress or any other authority prevents the implementation of the agreement by the US government, the same will happen on Iran's side as well, and the implementation of the part related to the Islamic Republic will be also deferred. At any rate, the Islamic Republic of Iran will lose nothing. If a final agreement is reached on the text of the JCPOA, it will be either implemented as it is agreed upon and with due care for Iran's considerations, or it will not be carried out at all. The intervention of the US Congress or any other legal institution cannot lead to any changes in the JCPOA without Iran's consent.
The rationale for the continued malfunctioning Egyptian - Iranian relationship therefore appears to be fundamentally psychological and due to Egypt's relationship with Saudi Arabia which is aimed at trying to roll back Iranian influence in the region. Unless and until there is a new rationale for a reorientation in Egypt's regional relations which could follow progress on regional security measures after the P5+1 deal, a bilateral relationship with Iran will remain elusive.
More pressure on Iran on the account of its nuclear program will only make Iran more adamant and will not be ensued with that kind of compromise that Netanyahu and his allies consider “good deal.” Such state of affairs will only mean escalation of tensions and the rising possibility of war.